Planning Commission Supplemental Materials 11-12-25 (2)

CULTURAL RESOURCES SURVEY REPORT 4400 Black Ave 7 displacing speakers of Hokan languages (Golla 2007:74). This movement may be correlated with the spread of the Windmiller pattern of material culture in the Late Period into the Coast Ranges and San Francisco Bay area (Moratto 1984:553; Levy 1978:486). Ohlone society was organized in independent local tribes of 200–400 people living in semi-permanent villages, with tribes controlling fixed territories averaging 10 to 12 miles in diameter (Milliken et al. 2007). Shoup and Milliken (1999:8) note that local tribes “were clusters of unrelated family groups that formed cooperative communities for ceremonial festivals, for group harvesting efforts, and – most importantly – for interfamily conflict resolution.” Hereditary village leaders, who could be male or female, played an important role in conflict resolution, receiving guests, directing ceremonies, organizing food-gathering expeditions, and leading war parties but did not otherwise exercise direct authority (Levy 1978:487). Despite their autonomy, intermarriage between local tribes appears to have been frequent, with patrilocal residence most typical (Milliken 1995:22-24). Ohlone residences were typically round, domed, or conical thatch homes on a frame of poles or branches, with a hearth in the center of the floor and a corresponding smoke hole in the roof (Kroeber 1925:219). Sweathouses, dance enclosures, and assembly houses are also attested. Material culture included complex decorative and utilitarian basketry, shell ornaments, tule boats, feather nets, hair decorations and jackets, and a full suite of bone and stone tools. Tattooing of face, hands, and neck is attested in early ethnographic accounts (Levy 1978:493-493; Byrd et al. 2017). Ohlone peoples made full use of local food resources and consumed a varied diet. Acorns from a range of oak species (Coast Live, black, tanbark) were a staple from the Late Period onward, with buckeye, laurel, and hazelnuts playing a secondary role. Seeds including chia, pine nuts, and a range of grass seeds were harvested: soldiers on the 1776 Anza expedition were fed a kind of ‘tamale’ made of seeds at several Ohlone villages (Milliken 1995:33-34). Berries such as blackberries, strawberries, madrone, grapes, and toyon were also eaten, as were a range of roots (Levy 1978:491). For animal resources people looked both to the Bay for fish, shellfish, waterfowl, and sea mammals, and to the plains and foothills for larger animals such as deer and elk. Compared to other Bay Area regions, settlements in the inland valleys were located farther from the bayshore and took greater advantage of foothill and freshwater resources, which in the Pleasanton and Sunol areas included highly productive salmon fisheries and freshwater shellfish beds (Milliken et al. 2007:105-106). At Spanish contact, the Amador-Livermore Valley area had an overall population density of perhaps 3.7 people per square mile, with an estimated total population of 811 (Milliken et al. 2009:64). The project area was most likely located within the territory of the Pelnen local tribe, which held the western part of Livermore Valley, including present-day Pleasanton (Milliken 1995:251).